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Thursday, December 29, 2005

Welcome to ארץ ישראל


We all have a warm heart for you...

Wednesday, December 28, 2005

Rapenburgerstraat 171



Nederlands-Israëlitisch Meisjesweeshuis
http://www.joodsmonument.nl/location.php?thg_id=1007.117264&lang=nl

Lea Bleekveld
Rijna Schuitevoerder
Edith Lakmaker
Mietje Schwarz
Lena Bloemist
Betty Springer
Ida Mirjam Olman

"Hoyche Kaboule"


Reb Avroem S. L. slit"a hot gegeben a moiredikke,knakkedikke,succesfulle, bariemte, geloengene drouche far die haimishe balebatische lamdounim.

Fantastish!!!

n.b.:
see picture of the Prof. mit a talmid.
(copyright Dov Gefen-St.Hill)

Tuesday, December 27, 2005

Courage and Honor



Courage and Honor
by Prof. Paul Eidelberg
December 27, 2005

Is it a Jewish flaw or merely human frailty that spawned Israel's policy of "land for peace" - a policy that has soaked the Land of Israel in Jewish blood? Some say this policy is animated by a Jewish death wish or by Jewish self-hatred, but "land for peace" as a policy of appeasement is not a Jewish idea.

President Eduard Benes of Czechoslovakia was not Jewish; yet, despite the heavily fortified - some experts say impregnable - Sudetenland, he succumbed to that spineless policy of appeasement at Munich. The truth is unpleasant: "land for peace" - the policy of Israel's ruling elites - signifies little more than cowardice, a human frailty. This frailty may be more prevalent among Jews whose modern psyche, tainted by egalitarianism, is oblivious to the aristocratic virtue Nietzsche called the "pathos of distance".

Israel's ruling elites, therefore, lack not only courage, but also its cousin, the sense of honor. It is this dual deficiency that produced the policy of "land for peace", which translates into the inane policy of "land for nothing", otherwise known as "unilateral disengagement". The "policy of the brave" is, in truth, the "policy of cowards".

A word about courage. In Plato's Apology, Socrates teaches us that courage is a precondition of wisdom. The coward, rather than stand up for truth, prefers to be "politically correct". His self-abasement, his lack of honor, makes him a liar.

A word about honor. Honor is not "prestige". Honor depends more on self-respect than on the favorable opinion of others. The source of honor is respect for truth (so lacking among Israel's ruling elites). Honor demands more than truthfulness. Alfred North Whitehead saw that "truthfulness as an element of one's own self-respect issues from a reverence for Reason in its own right," hence, for truth in its own right.

In Israel, politicians devoid of honor readily succumb to imbecility, such as releasing and arming Arab terrorists - Jew-killers - to protect Jews. The Oslo Agreement will go down in history as the pinnacle of diplomatic fatuity. This mindless agreement has murdered 1,600 Jews and shattered the lives of tens of thousands more. And there is no end in sight. Leaving aside the complicity of Israel's ruling elites in the criminal consequences of Oslo, here I only want to expose the principal vice of these elites.

I am fed up with the obscurantism of "post-Zionism", which tells us nothing of the character of the elites. Those who have foisted the policy of "land for peace" on the people of Israel are not mere ignoramuses. They are not mindless of Islamic history - a history punctuated by the plunder and destruction of so many Christian, Jewish, Zoroastrian and Hindu communities and the slaughter of untold millions of "infidels". They know that Israel is surrounded by a "culture of hate". Day after day, year after year, the people of this culture have shed Jewish blood. Israel's ruling elites are not living in denial. They know what is being taught in Muslim schools and mosques, that a generation of Arab children have been trained to emulate suicide bombers. They know that the successors of the Nazis are dedicated to Israel's annihilation.

Despite their country's awesome military power, Israel's ruling elites lack the courage, and the wisdom, to do what the genocidal intentions of the Arabs require them to do: act with a view to conquering their enemies. Steeped in cowardice, they succumb to the absurdity of surrendering Jewish land to a gang of murderous scoundrels. This cowardice applies not only to the parties of willful appeasement and its leader, who knows nothing of honor; it also applies to the parties of reluctant appeasement, to all parties in the Knesset - secular and religious - whose poltroons advocate "reciprocity" or territorial compromise, with or without a national referendum. They too lack honor. We are dealing here with flawed human beings, secular as well as religious.

It's not their minds that have gone astray so much as their hearts. They are "men without chests". Desperately needed are men of valor and honor; above all, men who love the God of Israel and who therefore hate, as the Psalmist hated, His enemies. Only let such men unite on behalf of Israel's sacred cause and the future will be ours.

Sunday, December 25, 2005

Rapenburgerstraat 171



Rapenburgerstraat 171


Aan de Rapenburgerstraat in de Amsterdamse jodenbuurt staan de twee huizen waarin het Nederlands Israëlitisch Meisjes-Weeshuis (1861-1943) was gevestigd. Het Nederlands Israëlitisch Weesmeisjes Collegie bestond al vanaf 1761 en had als motto ‘tot de goede werken behoort de opvoeding van weesmeisjes’, zoals de gevelsteen op nummer 171 vermeldt.

Aanvankelijk verstrekte het Collegie financiële ondersteuning aan familieleden die de wezen opvoedden. Rond 1861 bleek een weeshuis noodzakelijk en nam men het pand Rapenburgerstraat 171 in gebruik. Meisjes kregen hier een orthodoxe opvoeding en les in huishoudelijke vakken opdat ze aan de slag konden als dienstmeisje of naaister. Na circa 1930 kregen ze opleidingen tot verpleegster, secretaresse of onderwijzeres.

Op 10 februari 1943 ontruimde (en vermoorde o.a. te Sobibor) de bezetter het Joodse Meisjesweeshuis, thans zijn er appartementen in gevestigd. De huidige bewoners van de panden en de Vereniging Vrienden van Amsterdamse Gevelstenen namen gezamenlijk het initiatief tot renovatie en herplaatsing van de na de oorlog verdwenen Hebreeuwse teksten in de daklijsten en gevelstenen, die in 2003 door Hannah Belliot, wethouder van Cultuur, zijn onthuld.

2.
In 1861 werd het meisjesweeshuis in de Rapenburgerstraat geopend. Het weeshuis bood in de jaren ’40 onderdak aan zo’n 80 meisjes. Op 10 februari 1943 is het weeshuis ontruimd. Enkele meisje hebben via de achtertuin weten te ontkomen. De overige kinderen en hun verzorgers zijn vrijwel zonder uitzondering vermoord.
In de linkerkolom zijn zowel de wezen als het inwonend personeel vermeld.

3.
The Brilliant Ajax, Part One
Who's a Jew? - That's the Question
Over 100,000 of the 140,000 Jews that lived in The Netherlands before the war were dead in 1945. Almost every Dutch-Jewish family name you'll find nowadays is mentioned in the In Memoriam as well. There are, for example, five pages of Van Praags in that book.

The handful of survivors had a major impact on football. The Great Ajax from the early 1970s, was - in a way - partially formed by the Holocaust.

Sjaak Swart, son of a Christian mother and a Jewish father and born two years before the war, told the Nieuw Israelietisch Weekblad ('New Israelite Weekly'): "My father had seven brothers. Those brothers, his sister, his father and his mother were taken away. We still had a pretty large family of Jews, though. I was on familiar terms with a lot of Jews."

Jaap van Praag, who'd been in hiding in a house on Overtoom, where he could hardly move for three years, lost his little sister and his parents. He would hardly talk about it later. If his son Michael would ask questions about it, he'd shout: "I do not want to talk about that - and that's final!"

Salo Muller is now a close-fisted man in his 60s, living in a beautiful house behind the Concert Hall; a few kilometers from the Rivierenbuurt ('River District') where he used to live with his parents. He was six years old the last time he saw them. They were standing amongst hundreds of Jews, driven together on the stage of the Dutch Theatre. Muller, the legendary Ajax masseur, wearing an Ajax pin on the lapel of his blazer, says: "I wanted to go towards them, but a German took me away. I've been screaming in that children's crèche for a week."

I am writing this book in a former Jewish hospital on Henri Polaklaan. One of the houses behind the premises, on Plantage Middenlaan, used to be the crèche in which children like Muller waited for their deportation. About 1,100 of them were saved by chrèche personnel. Some of them escaped through the room I am now working in.

Salo Muller escaped, too. He survived the war living in eight different hiding addresses. Sometimes he was raised as a Catholic, sometimes as a Protestant. "I didn't even know my name, I didn't know when my birthday was, I've seen my parents standing on the stage of that theater. I've got a war trauma, too." After the liberation, he found out that his parents were gassed. A sister of his mother took pity on him, and so, "weird enough," he returned to the Rivierenbuurt.

Bennie Muller (1938) and Maup Caransa (1916) were boys from Rapenburgerstraat, in the Jewish quarter. In the time Caransa was a growing up boy over there, and Muller made his first steps, the street was the heart of the Amsterdam Jewish society. The famous Torah School Beth Hamidrash was there and so was the equally famous café De Druif ('The Grape'). At numbers 169 and 171 was an orthodox Jewish girls' orphanage, next door was a synagogue, and next door to that the Dutch Israelite Seminar, a branch of the Ben Hamidrash. About sixty students went to school there.

Caransa, one out of five children of a coal-dealer, was a tall, sandy-haired and blue-eyed boy, who didn't look Jewish at all. He wrote me a letter, saying he 'can't remember ever to have paid any attention to Ajax before World War Two, because there was just no money and time to do so'. He sang at services at the Portugese synagogue, and pushed a car around at the age of twelve, selling oil and coal. Many decades later, as Caransa had become the owner of large patches of Amsterdam, old friends would still call him 'the oil man' or 'the Portugese'. People say that he once answered an Arab sheik, who asked him what he did for a living: "I started out in the oil business, just like you."

In 1936, his father Salomon won the lottery, a prize of 100,000 guilders. Until the money was safely brought to the bank, Caransa and his three brothers would lie behind the front door, armed with an axe. The future of the family seemed secured. Caransa went to Paris for six weeks and spent 850 guilders there, which was more than he carried with him.

Back home he got a beating from his father. His mother, Rachel, told him: "You are too lazy to work!" Maup packed a towel and some soap in a small suitcase, muttered "I don't need you people anyway" and left. He assorted laundry at the Jewish Home for the Disabled and got his food at the Spuistraat soup-kitchen. In 1941, he married a Catholic woman. In the nick of time. His marriage and his non-Jewish looks saved him from deportation, although he was imprisoned at Westerbork transit camp for thirteen weeks.

He lived in the Jewish quarter during the rest of the war, on the corner of Zwanenburgwal and Waterlooplein, in a house that's now overshadowed by the Stopera, Amsterdam's integrated Opera Hall and City Counsil. Het told newspaper Het Parool in 1969: "I thought: when my parents come back from the war, at least they'll know where to find me. They never returned. Neither did my brothers." Caransa and his sister Femma were the only ones left.

Bennie Muller exactly recalls the day his mother was taken away. He told British journalist David Winner: "I had two brothers and two sisters. We, the kids, were all standing there crying. The Germans said: 'Oh well, let's leave them alone', but the Dutch Nazi's said no."

Mrs. Muller was sent to Westerbork, but was saved because of her marriage to a non-Jewish man. According to Bennie Muller, about 150 of her relatives perished.

Rapenburgerstraat was deserted and quiet after the liberation. The girl's orphanage was cleared out by the Nazi's on 10 February 1943. Almost all Seminar students were dead. The synagogue was looted, and almost all the buildings were destroyed by Amsterdammers searching for fire-wood.

Today, Rapenburgerstraat is two streets, sort of. The even side mainly consists of proper, new-built appartment blocks. On the odd-numbered side, there's still something left of Muller's and Caransa's street. That is: a lot of the old façades are still intact, but only the Hebrew characters over the front door of Beth Hamidrash indicate that Jews were once living here. The NIW editorship resides in the building, nowadays, and so does the 4 And 5 May Memorial Committee. The girl's orphanage is now Café-Bar Waterlooplein 77.

Friday, December 23, 2005

(click) שבת שלום

Daniel Jonah Goldhagen

1.


2.
John Demjanjuk, the Nazi death camp guard who has lived in the United States since falsifying his entry papers in 1952, is again in the news, facing deportation to Germany or perhaps Ukraine, his country of origin.

Demjanjuk has been extradited once, to Israel, where the Supreme Court in 1993 overturned his conviction and death sentence, saying that he was not, in fact, Ivan the Terrible, an infamous guard at the Treblinka death camp. But today the documentary evidence is clear that although he was not Ivan, he was a guard in several concentration camps, including Sobibor, in Poland, where the Germans exterminated an estimated 250,000 people in 1942 and 1943. Because of the persuasive evidence of Demjanjuk's service to Nazi mass murder, a federal judge stripped him of his U.S. citizenship in 2002, which set the stage for the current deportation proceedings.

The Holocaust ended 60 years ago. Many undoubtedly wonder why Demjanjuk, now 85, should not be left in peace. News reports described him at his most recent hearing, last week, as frail, moaning, hunched in a wheelchair and suffering from chronic back pain. His will certainly be one of the last legal proceedings against the Holocaust's perpetrators because both the perpetrators and the survivors of the Nazis' crimes are dying off. The trials (which the German public never supported anyway) have all but come to a halt in Germany.

So, should Demjanjuk at this late date be held accountable? Indeed, how should we assess the overall record of the last 60 years in bringing these mass murderers to justice? Now that the surviving victims of the Holocaust are becoming ever fewer, have we failed or succeeded in bringing their tormentors and the murderers of so many to justice?

No one should shed a tear for Demjanjuk and the other mass murderers, even if they are now elderly. They committed unsurpassable crimes, willfully torturing and slaughtering unthreatening, defenseless Jewish men, women and children by the tens of thousands. There is no statute of limitations for murder in this country, and, recognizing the historic nature of the Holocaust, the German Parliament repeatedly voted to extend the statute of limitations for murder there as well. Legally, the perpetrators' culpability for their willful crimes is beyond doubt. Is it any less clear morally?

That Demjanjuk and others escaped justice for decades, many rejoicing over their crimes, should not earn them a permanent "get out of jail" card. Eluding criminal punishment and living well after murdering so many, and while one's surviving victims bear their scars every day, is no argument for being allowed to continue to elude punishment. The notion -- never baldly articulated -- that if someone is arrested for his crime immediately or six months later, he should be punished, but that if he manages not to be punished for 10, 30 or 60 years, he merits permanent immunity, is illogical and strange.

If anything, the moral outrage should not be directed at those seeking justice but, in addition to the criminals themselves, at the political and legal authorities that have done so little over 60 years to punish these murderers.

Germany -- not surprisingly, because most of the perpetrators were German -- has done the most to prosecute these mass murderers. But from the perspective of justice, the record has been dismal, in two senses. Even though the Germans have convicted what seems like a large number of people for Nazi crimes -- 6,500 -- it is a tiny percentage of the hundreds of thousands who committed murder and other heinous crimes against Jews and non-Jews during the Nazi period. (In 1996, the German justice system's clearinghouse for prosecuting Nazi crimes had more than 333,000 names in its catalog listing members of killing institutions, of which there were more than 4,100).

And the sentences the killers received -- typically a few years for the murder of hundreds, thousands, sometimes hundreds of thousands; sometimes no more than minutes or hours in prison for the murder of each of their victims -- were travesties, not instances of justice. (Josef Oberhauser, for instance, who was convicted in 1965 in Germany for his participation in the murder of 300,000 people in the Belzec camp, received a prison sentence of only 4½ years.) So, contrary to what many say or imply -- that enough is enough, that we should let these harmless old men alone, that we should not hound them endlessly -- there is no good argument for letting them be. They have not been hounded; most (and especially non-German Nazi collaborators) have lived well, enjoying perfect immunity.

Still, the prosecution of Holocaust perpetrators has been more successful than the prosecution of other genocide perpetrators. After most mass murders, those who committed the atrocities generally get off scot-free, with perhaps a few symbolic prosecutions of leaders or sacrificial underlings serving as a stand-in for actual justice. In Turkey, Indonesia, Cambodia, the countries of the former Soviet Union and the former Yugoslavia, murderers of thousands have enjoyed the sympathy and protection of the political authorities and populace alike.

This is all the more reason to redouble our efforts, to press forward prosecuting mass murderers from any genocide for as long as it takes, no matter how old they are. Until those tempted to slaughter others know that they will be pursued and punished, they will have little reason not to kill.

So, instead of worrying about this frail old man, shed a tear instead for Demjanjuk's victims -- and the victims of future Demjanjuks. Demjanjuk, still living well near Cleveland, has not received a small portion of his deserved punishment -- of the punishment he would have gotten had he murdered one non-Jewish German or one American in 1943, 1960, 1980 or 2000.


Daniel Jonah Goldhagen, author of "Hitler's Willing Executioners: Ordinary Germans and the Holocaust," wrote this article.

Edwin Black

1.


2.
Despite Holocaust denial, Iran seen to have worked with Nazis

Iran’s president has shot to the forefront of Holocaust denial in recent days, but it may seem more like self-denial: Mahmoud Ahmadinejad need only look to his country’s Hitler-era past to discover that Iran and Iranians were connected to the Holocaust and the Nazi regime, as was the larger Arab and Islamic world under the leadership of the mufti of Jerusalem.

Iran’s links to the Third Reich began during the pre-World War II years when it welcomed Gestapo agents and other operatives to Tehran, allowing them to use it as a Middle East base for agitation against the British and the region’s Jews.

Key among these Gestapo men was Fritz Grobba, Berlin’s envoy to the Middle East, and often called “the German Lawrence” because he promised a Pan-Arab state stretching from Casablanca to Tehran.

Relations between Berlin and Tehran were strong from the moment Hitler came to power in 1933, when Reza Shah Pahlavi’s nation was still known as Persia.

The shah became a stalwart admirer of Hitler, Nazism and the concept of the Aryan master race. He also sought the Nazis’ help in reducing British petro-political domination.

So intense was the shah’s identification with the Third Reich that in 1935 he renamed his ancient country “Iran,” which in Farsi means Aryan and refers to the Proto-Indo-European lineage that Nazi racial theorists and Persian ethnologists cherished.

The idea for the name change was suggested by the Iranian ambassador to Germany, who came under the influence of Hitler’s trusted banker Hjalmar Schacht. From that point, all Iranians were constantly reminded that their country shared a bond with the Nazi regime.

Shortly after World War II began in 1939, the mufti of Jerusalem crafted a strategic alliance with Hitler to exchange Iraqi oil for active Arab and Islamic participation in the murder of Jews in the Mideast and Eastern Europe, predicated on support for a Pan-Arab state and Arab rule over Palestine.

During the war years, Iran became a haven and headquarters for Gestapo agents and German operatives. It was from Iran that the seeds of the abortive 1941 pro-Nazi coup in Baghdad were planted.

After Churchill’s forces booted the Nazis out of Iraq in June 1941, the German air crews supporting Nazi bombers escaped across the northern border back into Iran. Likewise, the mufti of Jerusalem was spirited across the border to Tehran, where he continued to call for the destruction of the Jews and the defeat of the British. His venomous rhetoric filled the newspapers and radio broadcasts of Tehran.

From Tehran and elsewhere, the Mufti was a vocal and vigilant opponent of allowing Jewish refugees to be transported or ransomed into Palestine. Instead, he wanted them shipped to the gas chambers of Poland.

In the summer of 1941, with the support of key Iranian military and government leaders, the mufti advocated implementing in Iran what had failed months earlier in Iraq. The plan once again was for a total diversion of oil from the Allies to the Nazis in exchange for the accelerated destruction of the Jews in Eastern Europe and support for an Arab state.

Through the Anglo-Iranian Oil Company, Iran already had been supplying Hitler’s forces in occupied Czechoslovakia and Austria. Now the mufti agitated to cut off the British and the Allies completely and supply Germany in its push against Russia and the East.

In October, 1941, British, Russians and other Allied forces invaded Iran to break up the Iran-Nazi alliance. Pro-Nazi generals and ministers were arrested and the shah’s Western-leaning son was installed.

The mufti scampered into the Italian Embassy, where he shaved his beard and dyed his hair, and was then allowed to exit the country along with the rest of the Italian delegation.

Once the mufti relocated permanently to Berlin, where he established his own Reich-supported “bureau,” he was given airtime on Radio Berlin. From Berlin and other fascist capitals in Europe, the mufti continued to agitate for the destruction of international Jewry, as well as a pan-Arab and pan-Islamic alliance with the Nazi regime.

He called upon all Muslims to “kill the Jews wherever you see them.” In Tehran’s marketplace, it was common to see placards that declared, “In heaven, Allah is your master. On Earth, it is Adolf Hitler.”

When the mufti organized three Islamic Waffen SS divisions to undertake operations in Bosnia, among the 30,000 killers were some volunteer contingents from Iran. Iranian Nazis, along with the other Muslim Waffen SS, operated under the direct supervision of Heinrich Himmler and were responsible for barbarous actions against Jews and others in Bosnia. Recruitment for the murderous “Handschar Divisions” was open and public in Iran.

Iran and its leaders not only were aware of the Holocaust, they played both sides. The country offered overland escape routes for refugee Jews fleeing Nazi persecution to Israel — and later fleeing postwar Iraqi fascist persecution — but only in exchange for extortionary passage fees. Thousands of Jews made their way to Israel via Iran both during the Holocaust and after the fall of Hitler, when Arab leaders, especially in Iraq, tried to continue Germany’s anti-Jewish program. Iran profited handsomely.

To play all sides of the Holocaust drama — and now to deny that the Holocaust even happened — should be very difficult in a nation named for Hitler’s master race.

Just Us




I just made a phone call to Israel. I think it cost me about 15 cents, with my phone card. What I got for that 15 cents, however, was worth much more than I can say.

I called Daniel Pinner's home. I don't know who picked up the phone, but when he said, "Daniel Pinner's residence," I began.

"I am calling from the United States," I said. "I just wanted you to let Daniel know that we are all reading about Daniel, writing about Daniel, sending e-mails about Daniel, and that Daniel shouldn't lose hope."

There was a short silence, then the man said, "Do you mind very much calling back so that I can let the voice mail answer, and Daniel can get your message directly? He would love to hear your voice."

I agreed, so I spent another 15 cents. This time, waiting though a message in Hebrew, then a message in English, then a beep. I'm not sure exactly what I said the second time, but I wanted to let this man know we haven't forgotten about him, about what he did, and about how the justice system has treated him.

I do remember that I said, "Someday, G-d willing, we will have perfect justice in Israel instead of the corrupt system we have now."

Daniel Pinner is an electrician who volunteered his time to help the people of Gaza by connecting electrical services to the abandoned Palm Beach Hotel. This hotel served as temporary housing for those who were intent upon protesting the destruction of Gaza communities by the Sharon government. Daniel Pinner made the mistake of taking a walk down the beach, where he was attacked by a mob of 50 stone-throwing Arabs.

Intent upon protecting himself and his companions, Daniel fired his Uzi into the air. The crowd dispersed, then reformed and began again throwing rocks. Daniel fired again into the air.

Four days later, after he returned home, he was arrested and charged with wounding an Arab. There is no connection between his gun and the wounded Arab, but he has sat in jail for over five months waiting for trial. The Israeli government says Daniel, a man with no criminal record, is too "dangerous" to let out.

I can't help but think that Daniel's main reason for sitting in jail is not that he was falsely accused of shooting an Arab in the leg, but that he is a member of the community of Kfar Tapuach. Kfar Tapuach is one of the most diverse towns in Judea and Samaria. Yemenite Jews founded the town nearly 30 years ago and it now has a mix of Russian, American and other Jews, along with various political and social opinions. But the town is marked. If you ever read a newspaper article about Kfar Tapuach, you will hear of it referred to as a "far right-wing settlement", or a place where "radical Jews" live.

It was the synagogue in Kfar Tapuach that dedicated a Torah with much pomp and celebration, only to hear the next day that the Israeli government was calling into question the "right" of the community to have built a synagogue in the first place. Then, the government demanded to know how the road had been built and, finally, they ordered the destruction of the synagogue.

Kfar Tapuach is also where David Ha'Ivri lives, the man who was accused in the infamous T-shirt trial. David also sat in jail for months for no reason before being acquitted of the heinous and dangerous activity of selling T-shirts.

If someone dares to live in Kfar Tapuach, or any of the other "settlements" that the Likud government deems troublesome, the inhabitants, no matter what age, are marked by the justice system for harsh punishment - regardless of their guilt or innocence.

It was from Judea and Samaria that girls as young as 12 were arrested and held for months to await trail for such dangerous activities as protesting the destruction of Gaza and yelling at Arab olive harvesters. These children are not dangerous criminals that need to be remanded until trial. They are kids from good families who wanted to take their opportunity to share in the history of the Jewish state and express the values that have been handed down to them through Torah - love of the land of Israel.

But this is the way the "justice" system works in Israel today. Justice, for those who live in Samaria, Judea and the former Gaza communities has become "just us". If you are a member of the communities that Likud slated for destruction, you are a criminal. It doesn't matter what you have done or not done, because they will find a way to make the arrest legitimate somehow. In the outside chance that they can't find a reason to hold you after the trial is over, they will have, at least, disrupted your education, your income or your personal life to such an extent that you will be permanently damaged in some way.

It is in this political climate that the new leader of Likud, Benjamin Netanyahu, has called for "expelling" members of his party who have a "criminal" record in the past ten years: namely Moshe Feiglin. Netanyahu is looking into legal options that would prevent anyone who committed a criminal offense in the past 10 years from belonging to the party.

Feiglin, former leader of Zo Artzeinu, the protest group that organized against the Oslo Accords, served six months in jail after being convicted in 1997 on charges of "seditious acts and publications" and "unlawful assembly." In other words, Feiglin dared to speak up against those who created the treacherous and dangerous situation of Oslo, which has lead to the killing and maiming of countless innocent Israelis in the name of "land for peace".

If Netanyahu is successful, look for more arrests and convictions of those who would protect the sacred land of Israel. Free speech, patriotism, Zionism and, especially, religious observance are threatening to men like Ariel Sharon and Netanyahu. If they can get rid of their political rivals by having them arrested and convicted for their political speech and actions, so much the better.

The lack of justice in the Israeli "Justice" system is more than inconvenient - it is dangerous. Today, it may be the "settlers" that the Likud government wants to silence. But who will it be tomorrow? When one man is in jail for an extended period of time without rights and another is targeted for expulsion from his political party, it should give every citizen, visitor and official of Israel pause.

Imperfect justice is expected, but corrupt justice threatens every person in the land of Israel. Daniel Pinner and Moshe Feiglin are just two men, but they could be you, or me, or your best friend, or a member of your family. We cannot stand by and watch these injustices without action. In the words of Benjamin Franklin, "We must indeed all hang together, or most assuredly we will all hang separately."

by Michelle Nevada
December 22, 2005

Tuesday, December 20, 2005

H. favorite art.



mountains...mountains....

Thursday, December 15, 2005

Jedidiem...

Wednesday, December 14, 2005

F. neemt de trein.




Heren, ik kom der aan.
Charles en Davidtje.
en Tarzanekke.
;)

Tuesday, December 13, 2005

yhpargotpyrC

Monday, December 12, 2005

aerial photograph Flanders

http://geo-vlaanderen.gisvlaanderen.be/geo-vlaanderen/IKONOS/#

Saturday, December 10, 2005

a spritz....

naief...




http://www.jerusalemsummit.org/eng/fullft.php?topic=1&speaker=96


http://www.frontpagemag.com/Articles/Printable.asp?ID=5270


http://www.gamla.org.il/english/index.htm



http://www.meforum.org/article/535http://www.meforum.org/article/535


http://maharal.blogspot.com/2005/07/london-2005.html

Wednesday, December 07, 2005

המהר"ל

Five Lives Cut Short by Arab murder.



The Five Lives Cut Short by Arab Terror in Netanya

One was guarding the mall. The others were doing their shopping.
All were killed by an Arab bomber because they were Jews living in the land of Israel.

R. ?


't was geen grapje...

Rabbijn M. Rottenberg הי"ד


...woonde in de aanpalende woning aan de Oostenstraat.

Mozes Flinker הי"ד 9.10.26


Vermoord te Auschwitz (via Mechelen XXV/468)

Als samenleving(-svorm) heefd deze stad gefaald.

Tuesday, December 06, 2005

Synagoog Van-den-Nestlei nu


Nu mooi wit bepleisterd.
Om de verminkingen en vernielingen aan het gebouw te verdoezelen, is er witte pleister.


Als samenleving(-svorm) heefd deze stad gefaald.
 
 
 
Nog steeds in pijn. Wil maar niet helen....



Van-den-Nestlei 14 april 1941


Antwerpen 14 april 1941


Synagoog Oostenstraat nu

Oostenstraat 14 april 1941



.

Oostenstraat 14 april 1941


Vernieling Synagoog aan de Oostenstraat & woning Rabbijn Mordechai Rottenberg.
Later is hij vermoord te Auschwitz.




Antwerpen 14 april 1941

Antwerpen 14 april 1941

de REX



Kortelings mijn verhaal over de ondergang, falliet en verkoop van cinemabaron Georges Heylen.
"...met "gelle" kan ik goed zaken doen..." zei ie nog tegen mij.




nota's:
.....Op 14 april 1941 wordt in cinema Rex op de De Keyserlei
'Der Ewige Jude' vertoond, de beruchte antisemitische
propagandafilm. Veel schaamte valt er na afloop alweer niet te
noteren. Tweehonderd leden van de Vlaamse SS, de Zwarte
Brigade, het NVN en de Volkswering lopen het nabijgelegen
‘Jodenkwartier’ in, vernielen een tweehonderdtal winkels en
steken twee synagogen plus het huis van de rabbijn in brand,
nadat ze eerst reeds de meubelen en de heilige thora-rollen
naar buiten hebben gesleept en in de fik gestoken.
.....‘De Antwerpse Kristallnacht’, doopte men die dag. Niet
zonder trots. Als het laaide in Berlijn, moest het minstens
vonken aan de Schelde.

Antwerpen 2

Antwerpen 1


A'pen zoals ik mij herinner. Kocht schoenen bij Marly.
Links op de plaats van Cafe Atlantic, moffen-wespennest-van tijdens den oorlog, nu het duitse consulaat.